By Dr. Masimba Mavaza | Zimbabweans are waiting for the results of 31 March 2025. The truth is, 31 March will not change anything. There will be no shift after that date. The endgame in Zimbabwean politics is complex and multifaceted. Our political foundation is riddled with contradictions and quiet turbulence. ZANU PF often appears divided, but make no mistake—when an enemy rears their head, ZANU PF unites as one front.
Since gaining independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has faced enormous political challenges, including unprecedented sanctions. We have suffered deeply due to individual selfishness. The world branded us authoritarian and abusive of human rights, pushing us into economic struggle. But our problems will never be solved by demonstrations. We will not achieve progress through protests. Corruption and entitlement in Zimbabwe have reached alarming levels. Some are so blinded by power that they forget: change is inevitable.
Recently, Zimbabwe has witnessed significant developments, including the redeployment and retirement of senior officials. While some believe these figures were dismissed due to involvement in Manhize, things will not stay this way forever.
Zimbabwe is unique—sometimes weird, if not strange. In 2017, we experienced what many call a coup that wasn’t a coup. This event removed our long-time and once-beloved President Robert Mugabe and ushered in the “New Dispensation.” Now, for the first time, that new establishment is under direct threat.
If only people around our leadership could listen—if only power hadn’t taken their hearing. We now have leaders, including my own MP, invoking God’s name in campaigns for 2030. We must remember the dangers of playing with the divine. When the King of Babylon touched God’s sacred items, the writing was on the wall. Closer to home, when the former First Lady Grace Mugabe dressed like a Mupositori, painted like Jezebel, divine justice followed. The “New Dispensation” was born.
But we do not learn quickly.
Cde Garwe called people demons, and referred to those in his camp as gods. The writing is again on the wall. Regardless of the excitement, nothing will happen on 31 March—but the spiritual warning will be clear.
After the 2017 transition, the 2018 election saw President Emmerson Mnangagwa win office. He had served as Vice President before the not-a-coup. He proved to be a forgiving leader, even welcoming into his cabinet individuals who had insulted him. I recall a conversation with him after the cabinet appointments. He said: “Doc, some of the people I’m working with—if it were up to me, I wouldn’t. But for the sake of unity, I have included them.”
We must not become overzealous and disrespect our leaders—we don’t know who will be in power tomorrow.
We’ve warned against obsessing over 2030, because it causes unnecessary anxiety. ZANU PF National Chairperson Cde Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri even warned that the premature 2030 campaign is a threat to national security. The ongoing economic crisis—characterized by hyperinflation, food shortages, and power outages—is partly a result of this reckless and unplanned political campaign.
Regardless, it is too early to start campaigning for 2030.
The endgame for Zimbabwe will not be decided on 31 March 2025. That date is merely a show of force. Looking ahead, some hope for democratic consolidation—a transition toward a more inclusive political system, where appointments are based on merit and national identity, not patronage.
However, the current trajectory suggests otherwise. With the 2030 wave gathering momentum, the likelihood of free and fair elections is diminishing. In fact, elections themselves may vanish. If someone knows they cannot be elected and is still imposed, then respect for human rights and accountability goes out the window. This would lead to authoritarian consolidation—a tightening of political control by a few individuals, staining the President’s legacy with repression and abuse.
Despite these risks, the President has done well in many respects. His tenure has emphasized economic recovery and re-engagement with the international community. Under his leadership, there were clear instructions to stabilize the economy. A milestone was reached when he assumed the SADC Chairmanship—enhancing regional cooperation and integration.
Yet as we hold our breath, it is difficult to predict Zimbabwe’s endgame, shaped as it is by a complex web of domestic and international forces.
We must not ignore the military’s significant role in Zimbabwean politics. Many senior officers hold key government positions. Some around the President are trying to downplay the military’s importance—a dangerous misstep.
International organizations like the African Union, SADC, and the European Union do influence our politics, but our ultimate salvation must come from homegrown solutions.
Zimbabwe’s ongoing crisis—hyperinflation, food insecurity, power outages—threatens both our economy and our sovereignty. Human rights abuses are resurfacing: arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. Corruption is becoming normalized. Despite real efforts from some quarters, cronyism continues to erode public trust.
President Mnangagwa is being pressured to consolidate power, which risks leading to more repression. These moves tarnish his image. If he silences these persuaders and instead empowers them to implement true economic reforms—backed by international support—Zimbabwe can stabilize. The move to reward war veterans, though extremely late, is welcome. But it’s not a sustainable solution.
Those misleading the President may push us into a situation requiring regional intervention. If ignored, SADC or the African Union may be forced to step in—a crisis that could have been avoided with sound advice.
We now face mounting international pressure.
In conclusion, 31 March will not be the endgame. It will come and go, a non-event. The tragedy is that it may give some a false sense of victory. That would be another fatal mistake.
We must put Zimbabwe above our selfish interests.
This is the only country we can truly call our own.