By A Correspondent | ZimEye | As it becomes more clear President Emmerson Mnangagwa has likely ended his presidency on his own this week by unlawfully retiring the army commander, police heads in Harare have issued sweeping prohibition orders banning the public carrying or display of traditional weapons and other blunt instruments, citing fears of violent disorder. The development comes just days before the anticipated 31 March protests spearheaded by war veteran, military field officer, and activist Blessed Geza, aimed at stopping Mnangagwa.
In two separate but strikingly similar prohibition orders seen by this publication, Chief Superintendent Nobert Ushe of Harare North District and Chief Superintendent M. Masvivi of Harare Central District invoked the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act [Chapter 11:23] to prohibit the possession of catapults, machetes, axes, knobkerries, swords, daggers, and any other traditional weapons in public places. These bans are valid for a period of up to three months in the case of Harare North (26 March to 26 June) and two months in the case of Harare Central (27 March to 31 May).
The police orders cite a “sharp increase in murder, assaults, robberies and other violent crimes” involving such weapons as justification, though sources within the police privately acknowledge the measures are a pre-emptive move against potential escalation during the planned mass demonstrations led by Geza.
Blessed Geza, a former liberation war fighter turned anti-corruption crusader, has emerged as a surprise figurehead for a growing protest movement calling for the resignation of President Mnangagwa. His calls for peaceful but resolute action have reportedly unnerved the ruling ZANU-PF elite, particularly given his veteran status and deep grassroots links within both urban communities and marginalised war veteran networks.
Security sources say while the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) has thus far been restrained and uninvolved, other arms of the security sector—including the police, intelligence services, and paramilitary support units—are “frantically and desperately” mobilising to prepare for March 31. Officers have been seen conducting impromptu roadblocks, search operations, and intelligence-gathering patrols, particularly in high-density suburbs such as Mbare, Kuwadzana, and Warren Park.
According to internal briefings leaked to this publication, the Mnangagwa administration has tasked the Joint Operations Command (JOC)—minus army generals—with devising non-military containment strategies, likely to include mass arrests, internet restrictions, targeted intimidation, and infiltration of activist networks. The use of so-called “law and order” provisions like the prohibition orders is being viewed as the first legal strike in a multi-pronged crackdown.
Legal analysts, however, have warned that while these prohibition orders may appear procedural, their real intent is political.
“These bans are not about reducing crime. They are about neutralising mobilisation efforts by creating a pretext for harassment, surveillance, and arbitrary arrest,” said a Harare-based constitutional lawyer who requested anonymity for safety reasons.
The political stakes are high. Mnangagwa, now in his second term, faces growing discontent over economic mismanagement, alleged corruption, and repressive governance. Geza’s mobilisation—has galvanised a new axis of dissent across class and generational lines, exploiting frustrations among both veterans and unemployed youths.
Whether the crackdown will deter or inflame the March 31 protests remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: Zim’s political temperature is rising, and Mnangagwa may have ended his presidency on his own by firing the army commander Anselem Sanyatwe when it is not lawful to do so. Political analyst Reason Wafawarova described it as “a suicidal move.”
This is a developing story.